Millions of Venezuelan workers, the poor and youth will mourn the death of Venezuelan president, Hugo Chavez
In an era when the
gap between establishment politicians, who defend big business and the
super-rich, and the masses seems to widen inexorably Chavez stood out. In fact
in the age of austerity the measures he took to alleviate poverty stood out
like a beacon. The workers and youth
in Venezuela will be joined by many around the globe who have been inspired to
support Hugo Chavez’s regime as offering an alternative to imperialism,
neoliberalism and capitalism.
Meanwhile the most
pernicious right-wing capitalist commentators have wasted neither time nor ink
in their outpourings of hatred of his regime.The mourning of his
passing and anger at these attacks must be channelled into a new stage of
working class struggle for socialism in Venezuela and internationally.
Capitalist commentators’ hypocrisy
Since his death
numerous articles have denounced Chavez, and his regime, as an “autocrat”, a
“dictator”, a “caudillo”. Some have tried to depict his death as the end of
another failed socialist regime.
The torrent of bile
from these commentators was first readied in the hope he’d be defeated in the
Venezuelan presidential elections in October 2012, but had to be shelved at the
time. Against the expectations of the international capitalist media and its
politicians Chavez romped home for a third term with 55% of the vote, on a
turnout of 80%, a result any incumbent capitalist politician in Europe can only
dream of.
These self-same
commentators deafened us with their silence during the attempted coup in 2002 –
backed by US imperialism. When these alleged champions of democracy attack
Chavez they brush to one side the fact that Chavez has faced 17 elections and
referendums since 1998 and won 16 of them.
They, and the
capitalist politicians behind them, cannot abide the fact that a leader who
spoke of “socialism” and the “socialist revolution” and who came into conflict
with US imperialism and the capitalist class could win such popular support.
They also fear the potential revolutionary movement of the masses which Chavez
rested upon.
“Por ahora” - ”For now”
Chavez himself did
not emerge as a political leader with a rounded out ideology or programme. He
has empirically embraced different ideas – swept along by events as they have
unfolded.
Chavez was swept to
power in 1998 with overwhelming support. Initially he only spoke of a
“Bolivarian revolution” and reform of the old corrupt system. Chavez, like
thousands in Venezuela, including junior army officers of which he was one, was
radicalised by the “Caracazo” which rocked Venezuela in 1989.
Carlos Perez had won
an election opposing the neoliberalism of the IMF. However, he undertook a
sharp U-turn and introduced a “shock therapy” of neoliberalism. It triggered a
mass uprising of the urban poor. The army was deployed and an estimated 3,000
were slaughtered. Chavez’s right-wing opponents have little to say on these
events. He was however radicalised and affected by these horrors.
He led a left
populist military revolt in 1992 against the murderous Perez government. As the
coup was defeated he proclaimed the “revolution is ended. For now”. “Por ahora”
was to become ingrained in the minds of the masses.
Released from prison
two years later, he built support and stormed to power in the 1998 election as
the mass of the population demanded an end to neoliberalism and demanded
change.
The limited but
popular reforms his government introduced, paid for with the country’s oil
wealth, were enough to enrage the ruling elite which attempted a coup in 2002
followed by a lockout. After 48 hours the coup collapsed and Chavez was brought
back to Caracas and to power. During the coup the masses poured onto the streets
to oppose the new right-wing regime and a revolt by the ranks of the army and
its junior officers.
Right-wing coup in 2002
At this moment the
situation erupted as the right-wing coup led by Pedro Carmona collapsed, making
a decisive blow against the ruling class and capitalism. The working class and
poor had the opportunity to take over the running of society. Unfortunately, at
this moment Chavez opted to call for “national unity” and an agreement with
sections of the capitalist class.
The lockout was broken
after a 12-month struggle. On each occasion Chavez was saved by the mass
movement from below.
These events
enormously radicalised Chavez who by 2005 had begun to speak about the
“socialist revolution”. It was in this period that he also made reference to
the ideas of one of the leaders of the Russian Revolution, Leon Trotsky, as
well as to Karl Marx and called for the formation of a Fifth International.
This enraged both the
Venezuelan ruling class and US imperialism. Nationalisations and partial
nationalisations of significant companies were carried through. The
introduction of a basic but free health service and widespread education and
literacy programmes enormously enhanced the popularity of the government.
Significantly, in the 2006 election – following this turn to the left – Chavez
won his largest electoral victory, taking over 62% of the vote!
This development has
had an enormously positive effect in putting the issue of socialism back onto
the agenda in Venezuela and to an extent in Latin America and internationally.
The idea of the “revolution” and even “socialism” and radical reform is
overwhelmingly dominant in the consciousness of a majority of Venezuelans. This
is Chavez’s positive legacy. There is a clear rejection of any idea of
returning to the ‘ancien régime’.
Blows to capitalism, but no decisive break
However, despite the
radical phraseology, in response to the global economic crisis which began in
in 2007, Chavez, and the Bolivarian government, rather than drive forward with
a programme to break with capitalism, moved in the opposite direction.
Blows were struck but
without defeating it the capitalist class remained in control. From within the
Bolivarian a new force has also emerged – the ‘boli-bourgeoisie’, a powerful
layer in society which has grown rich on the backs of the Chavez movement.
This, combined with
the emergence of a powerful bureaucracy, and deteriorating economic situation,
has meant that despite the popular reforms, which the CWI supports, massive
social problems of poverty, unemployment, corruption violence and crime remain.
These continue and arise from the failure to abolish capitalism.
Combined with a top
down administrative approach from the bureaucracy and the lack of a democratic
workers’ control and management in the revolutionary process, while Chavez has
enjoyed massive support, it has also resulted in widespread discontent and
frustration. Recent strikes by teachers and metal workers have been repressed
by the state, all measures which have given a weapon to the right to beat the
regime.
Transform socialist aspirations into a reality
If right-wing
candidate Henrique Capriles and the right in Venezuela hope that Chavez’s death
will mean an easy ride for them back to power then they are mistaken. Despite
the discontent the idea of supporting the revolutionary process, of the idea of
socialism and defence of the reforms is deeply ingrained in Venezuelan society.
In the short term it
is most likely to mean a victory for Nicolas Maduro, the vice-president, named
by Chavez as his successor, in the elections. A rallying of Chavez’s supporters
and the mass of the poor to defeat the right is already developing. Capriles
and the right are, like Maduro, appealing for calm, peace and unity. The right
feel their weakness and are being careful not to provoke a backlash from the
masses.
While the pernicious
right-wing commentators have used Chavez’s death to beat their hypocritical
anti-socialist drum, other sections of capitalism and imperialism have been
more cautious. US president Barack Obama’s cautious statement, along with
British Foreign Secretary William Hague, is aimed at opening a new era of
cooperation with a future Maduro-led government. They have concluded the
right-wing are unlikely electoral victors and therefore have left the door open
for attempts to collaborate with a new “Chavista” government.
Maduro and the
leadership will not have the same authority as Chavez and a new era will open
following the elections. Divisions between the different currents within
Chavismo may open following the elections. Sections of the ruling class are
looking for this as a means of ultimately defeating the Chavista movement. Such
prospects underline the urgent necessity of the working class and the poor to
rally to defeat the right but then to take the revolutionary process into its
own hands with its own independent organisation and programme to transform the
“socialist aspirations” raised by Chavez into a reality. The death of Chavez
marks not the end of the struggle. A new chapter will now begin.
Tony Saunois, CWI
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